Friday, April 24, 2015
The War On Drugs: A Racial War
How exactly is the War On Drugs able to target and imprison African Americans at a disproportionate rate?
There are many possible answers to this question; some of these answers lie in the legislation that has been created because of the War On Drugs. Crack cocaine, which is "more likely to be used by African-Americans, will trigger felony charges for amounts 100 times less than powdered cocaine, which is more likely to be used by whites" (Shaw 1). The government has deliberately made punishments for crimes related to crack cocaine much harsher than crimes related to powder cocaine, as a way to target African Americans while remaining "colorblind." (The punishment for crack cocaine really is much harsher: "The sentence for possessing five grams of crack is a mandatory five years. By contrast, to get a five-year sentence for possession of power cocaine, one would have to be caught with 500 grams" (Lanier 2)).
This disparity between the punishments for crack cocaine and poweder cocaine stemmed from a "crack crisis" that occurred during the Reagan administration. The United States saw a dramatic increase in the use of crack cocaine in black neighborhoods, and the media was able to "publicize the emergence of crack cocaine in 1985 as part of a strategic effort to build public and legislative support for the war" (Alexander 5). The media was effectively able to target and label African Americans as drug criminals, which is a huge reason why African American neighborhoods are targeted in the War On Drugs today and why legislation, though "colorblind," gives harsher punishments for crack cocaine than powder cocaine.
Another way the War On Drugs has targeted African Americans at an alarmingly disproportionate rate is through racial profiling. According to Charles Shaw, "racial profiling has been shown to target African Americans for police stops and searches." Police first stop drivers for minor traffic violations, and then are able to catch drug criminals. And although whites and African Americans commit traffic violations at almost the same rate, "42 percent of all stops and 73 percent of all arrests were racial minorities" (Alexander 133). Additionally, "African Americans comprised only 17 percent of drivers along a stretch of I-95 outside of Baltimore, yet they were 70 percent of those who were stopped and searched" (Alexander 133). It is clear that police target African Americans during traffic stops and police stops and searches, perhaps because of a racial stereotype that labels African Americans as criminals. Because African Americans are stopped and searched at much higher rates than whites, they are much more likely to be caught and imprisoned for drug crimes.
The War On Drugs has become a racial war; though it allegedly aims to combat illegal drug useage, it targets African Americans at a highly disproportional rate, partly through the use of stops and searches and legislation.
Tuesday, April 21, 2015
Prison Labor: The New Convict Leasing
One "bloc" of my Junior Theme, which attempts to answer the question "Why are there so many African American people in jail," focuses on prison labor, the use of prisoners by companies for cheap labor. This practice is not a new phenomenon. It is rooted in slavery.
The history of prison labor goes back to the 1800's, at the beginnings of convict leasing. Post-emancipation, Southern states found that "commerce and transportation had collapsed" and "The railroads and levees lay in ruins" (Oshinsky 12). Additionally, many whites were angry and didn't know how to deal with the newly-freed African American population; they needed a new, formal way to control the free African Americans. "An extensive system was created in the South in order to maintain the racial and economic relationship of slavery" (Khalek 3). Convict leasing was born. Thousands of ex-slaves were imprisoned for the smallest of infractions and forced to "suffer and die under conditions far worse than anything they had experienced as slaves" (Oshinsky 35) for decades to come.
The post-emancipation practice of convict leasing bears shocking resemblance to the present-day practice of prison labor. Today, "private companies have a cheap, easy labor market... large corporations increasingly employ prisoners as a source of cheap and sometimes free labor" (Khalek 2). Prison labor, like convict leasing, is an extremely profitable practice that can be even cheaper for companies than the use of third-world sweatshops (Khalek 1). Both force convicts to work for nearly nothing, with harsh consequences for not complying, completely legally. Convict leasing allowed private plantations cheap labor and maximum profit; prison labor allows private companies to do the same thing.
Prison labor produces the same results as convict leasing did in the years after emancipation, though the legislation has changed with the times. Just as convict leasing was used as a new way to control the African American population, so too does the practice of prison labor. A shocking number of African Americans are imprisoned today as a way to continue this cycle of control, and as a means of cheap labor and for private companies to maximize profit.
Sunday, April 19, 2015
Inevitable Bias
In her book "The New Jim Crow," Michelle Alexander talks about a survey conducted in 1995, where a group of people were all asked the same question: "Would you close your eyes for a second, envision a drug user, and describe the person to me?" Ninety-five percent of responders pictured an African American drug user (Alexander 106). Media, especially once the War on Drugs began, taught the public that "drug crime is black anf brown" (Alexander 107). Law enforcement officials are not immune to this subconscious bias that labels people of color as drug criminals; they target poor African American neighborhoods because their subconscious tells them that that is where there are the most drug criminals, even if that is not the truth.
Racial bias is inevitable; "You hold negative attitudes and stereotypes about blacks, even though you do not believe you do and do not want to" (Alexander 107). In their report called "Seeing Black: Race, Crime, and Visual Processing," researchers Eberhardt, Goff, Purdie, and Davies contend that "the mere presence of a person can lead one to think about the concepts with which that person's social group has become associated with." First, we must realize that this bias is inevitable, even in a system such as the criminal justice system that promises fair punishment for all people. Once we admit this, then what? What can be done to change this?
Thursday, April 9, 2015
The Birth Of "The New Jim Crow"
Although prison may seem completely unrelated to slavery at the surface- we imprison people of all ages, genders, and races- the industry has deep ties to slavery in the United States- some would even argue that it is a result of it. Slavery was first introduced because white people needed cheap laborers. However, after slavery was abolished, "the idea of race lived on" (Alexander 26). Slavery essentially established an idea of racial superiority in the minds of the white people; they soon found they needed another way to control the African American population. Thus, another system of legally controlling African Americans.
The birth of mass incarceration started in the years and decades after the end of the Jim Crow South. In these years, "reported street crime quadrupled and homicide rates nearly doubled" (Alexander 41). Almost understandably, "the public debate shifted focus from segregation to crime" (Alexander 43); white people blamed the black people. Also at this time, an alarming number of black men were unemployed; the solution was to sell crack cocaine. This "crack epidemic" was used as a way for the Reagan Administration to dramatically increase funding and media for the War on Drugs, and "build public and legislative support for the war" (Alexander 5). This media frenzy surrounding the crack cocaine epidemic essentially turned the War on Drugs into an actual war.
The War on Drugs was allegedly declared to, in the words of President Nixon, crack down on "public enemy number one." (Although at the time the war was declared, "less than 2 percent of the American public viewed drugs as the most important issue facing the nation" (Alexander 49).) The cause seems good, as drugs are clearly bad. However, this war was clearly intented to "crack down on" the African American population moreso than the white population. The punishments for crimes related to crack- associated with African Americans- were made much harsher than the punishments for crimes related to powder cocaine- associated with whites (Alexander 53). Why? Perhaps because the United States needed a new way to systematically control the African American population. (Of course, all legislation was formally race-neutral and did not involve intentional race discrimination.)
As the War on Drugs became more popular in the media and received much more funding, the prison population boomed: "The Clintion Administration... policies resulted in the largest increases in federal and state prison inmates of any president in American history" (Alexander 56). African Americans were being imprisoned at an alarming rate("Ninety percent of those admitted to prison for drug offenses in many states were black or Latino" at the turn of the century (Alexander 58), although, as I stated above, all legislation was formally race-neutral. This is perhaps because following the end of slavery and the Jim Crow South, white people needed another way to systematically control African Americans. It's a cycle. In the words of Michelle Alexander, "the New Jim Crow was born."
Friday, March 20, 2015
The Power of the "N-Word"
First of all, the "n-word" is extremely offensive and, to me, blantantly racist. In the words of Abiola Abrams, author of "The Sacred Bombshell Handbook of Self-Love," award-winning blogger, and 'Dare' speaker, "I just don't understand why white people want to use the n-word." The word started out as "negro," and in the 17th century, turned to "the n-word" as an intentional, explicit, derogatory towards African Americans. Now, in the era of extreme political correctedness and colorblindess, the word has become the ultimate insult, and is one of the most offensive words I can think of.
Secondly, the power of language. (This is something we talk a lot about in American Studies, too). Language is the most powerful tool we have, which is something some people don't understand. When teachers tell young kids that "words hurt," they're right. Words give people the power to "name" other people, and names are what define us. Calling someone the n-word is literally giving them that name, they are forced to believe that they are that insult, they are that name. Language is powerful, and in the words of Abiola Abrams, it has reprocussions. Let's think about how we use it.
In your opinion, is it ever okay for one to use the "n-word?" If so, who, and under what circumstances?
Gun Control in the U.S.: What It Really Means
According to FBA data, "410 Americans were 'justifiably killed'" by police in 2012. 409 commited by guns. In the same year in Britain, police shot total of three times. In fact, with the exception of Northern Irelanhd, police only carry firearms in the United Kingdom under special circumstances. Why are these numbers so drastically different? Perhaps in part because of the difference in gun control laws in the United States and the United Kingdom.
In the United States, more than a third of the population reports that either they or someone in their household owns a gun. In contrast, only about 6.7 percent of people in the United Kingdom own firearms. This means that the police force in the United States is under a much higher risk of facing civilians with guns, and therefore potentially having to shoot in self defense. The police force in the United Kingdom does not come in contact with nearly as many civilians with guns and shootings, and therefore have to shoot at civilians much less often. It seems to me that perhaps letting the American civilian population own guns is not really protecting them, it is backfiring.
How would the statistics be different if gun control laws changed in the United States? What do gun control laws really mean to the American civilian population?
"Role Models Not Runway Models"
When Hammer was asked to show her designs at New York Fashion Week last year, she chose to use her own clients instead of real runway models. This included Danielle Sheypuk, the first model in a wheelchair to be featured in Fashion Week, and other models varying in height, weight, and ethnicity.
Jamie Brewer walking in Fashion Week |